Recently, Hong Kong has once again become a concern of the Chinese mainland and European countries. First, the last British governor of Hong Kong, Chris Pattern, criticized the democratic regression of the former colony after the handover during a speech in Hong Kong. Subsequently, the European Council's annual report harshly criticized the deterioration of the investment environment, law and order, and crime problems in Hong Kong after the handover. The criticisms triggered strong reactions from China. Then, Chinese President Jiang Zemin (
It is imperative to China that Hong Kong remain prosperous and stable under the "one country, two systems" framework in the hope that the rosy front will help resolve the Taiwan problem.
However, "one country, two systems" actually places areas with entirely divergent cultures and contexts under one framework. The cultural frictions created by the divergence continue to escalate.
Bicultural
Hong Kong is very much bicultural. On the one hand, its citizens receive a modernized civic education, while on the other hand traditional Chinese culture is passed on informally network.
The citizens are split in self-identity too. People identify with both the traditional Chinese culture and with being from Hong Kong. The latter identity is built on Hong Kong's unique political situation and high economic development.
On the eve of the handover, a survey on senior and junior high school students in Hong Kong revealed this split in identity. While the students' impression of Hong Kong people was that they were merchants, their said that their impression of Chinese people was that they were farmers.
The role played by Hong Kong in Chinese history has been intriguing. Renowned US political scientist Lucian Pye indicates that throughout Chinese history, coastal cities have been the first recipients of foreign knowledge and have been the most developed, commercially. However, this image of the coastal cities has never been fully accepted by the political center in the north. With its nationalist standpoint, the north has always been dubious of the contact between coastal cities and imperialism.
Before the handover, some theorized that, politically, Hong Kong might revert back to a Chinese identity. However, as a highly internationalized and capitalistic city, Hong Kong, instead, has attempted to influence China. The result is very interesting. While Hong Kong may enjoy an absolute advantage in pop culture, the aspects of China that people of Hong Kong would like to influence the most remains untouchable. Beijing continues to view the people of Hong Kong as "merely people with money."
How to govern Hong Kong presents a major challenge for the leadership in Beijing, because Hong Kong society is completely different from that of Chinese mainland. Plus, China has to ensure that its promise of "unchanging prosperity and stability for 50 years" comes true. Chinese rule over Hong Kong has not changed the existing social foundation of Hong Kong. China relies on the loyalty of social elite to establish a united front. Before the handover, many wealthy Hong Kong businessmen had already begun actively cultivating relationships with high-ranking Beijing officials. Through such relationships, these businessmen on the were able to expand their market in the Chinese mainland, while ensuring their social status in Hong Kong.
Not so fortunate
However, not all the wealthy businessmen have been so fortunate. The story of the head of Giordano, Jimmy Chee-ying Lai (
The example demonstrates the rules of the game played by Beijing -- you cannot do business with China while criticizing it. A more significant factor is that Beijing has the political resources to control Hong Kong. After the handover, Beijing has time and again proven this point. Even judicial independence, in the past repeatedly emphasized by the British colonial government and repeatedly guaranteed by the Beijing government, had to follow the decision of the National People's Congress just a few months after the handover.
"One country, two systems" ignores the divergent development in different regions that is a result of their historical differences.
This political system, seemingly respectful of such differences, has difficulty taking root in a country with intense nationalism.
Some people criticized the British colonial government for underestimating their Chinese opponent during negotiations, ignoring Beijing's negotiation skills in being able to dictate both the agenda and pace of the negotiation. As a result, the British representatives repeatedly fell into traps set by Beijing government. However, why do the people of Hong Kong criticize the British government, rather than criticize their own failure to pursue rights that rightfully belong to them?
By the time the angry protesters pointed out that the "one country, two systems" is just a measure of convenience, it is too late. Taiwan certainly has much to learn from the lessons of Hong Kong.
Hsu Tung-ming (
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