Editorial: Look toward legislative elections

Once again, rumors were circulating in Taipei's political circles that Premier Tang Fei (唐飛) has tendered his resignation to President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁). The Executive Yuan and the Presidential Office have both denied the reports, but speculation is growing that Tang may not stay for long, given the friction between him and Chen over the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant and financial issues.

The predicament facing the Chen-Tang government is more of a systemic problem than a human conflict. Both Chen and Tang have practiced considerable self-restraint and shown respect for each other's authority. But in a semi-presidential system with ill-defined powers and responsibilities, whether the premier is the chief executive or just a chief secretary is far from clear. Even while doing things within their remit, the premier and his ministers have to keep asking themselves whether a decision would fit with the president's ideas.

In such a system, the president is also taken to task at every turn. He is suspected of interfering in administrative affairs whenever he speaks about them. Even when doing things within his remit, doing them over the head of the premier could create political friction. Tang has tried many times to step down, not because he can't get along with Chen, but because the semi-presidential system makes it very difficult for them to cooperate.

On top of this, the ruling party is a minority in the Legislative Yuan, making it difficult for the Cabinet to push its policies through. The fact that Chen turned his back on party politics and opted for a "government for all the people" has further severed the ruling party's relations with the Cabinet.

The difficulties facing the Chen-Tang government were predictable. But even if Tang resigns, Chen can no longer use an empty "government for all the people" slogan to push for his policies. Chen has two choices: cooperate with an opposition party and form a coalition, or build a DPP minority government.

The best timing for a coalition government has passed. Even if the DPP teams up with the PFP and independent lawmakers now, it still will not have a majority in the legislature. If the DPP builds a majority jointly with the KMT, the government's external operations may become easier. But the internal operations within the coalition will be difficult, as the KMT will certainly use its legislative majority as a bargaining chip to wrest a leading role in the government. Partisan negotiations will be important but they will also be very difficult. Major disputes -- independence versus unification, for example -- will certainly cause endless conflict among the government agencies and political parties.

If the DPP forms a minority government, it will still face impediments from the opposition in its every move. However, building a government under clear-cut characteristics of party politics will help the DPP improve relations among the government branches and political parties. The DPP should build a Cabinet geared toward next year's legislative elections, create a milieu conducive to its own chances, and wait. After that, it may readjust its mode of operation according to the election results. This option will sacrifice Chen's chances of demonstrating his prowess, but at least it will help set up a system with balanced power and responsibilities.

Tang may not have done a perfect job, but at least he has worked hard to play his role in the peaceful transition of political power. Chen's next step should be to think about how to build a political model with a balance between power and responsibilities. Chen can use the enormous popularity he enjoys within the DPP and pick a chief secretary-type of premier. This is one way to resolve constitutional problems through political means, integrate the powers of the government and the party, and gear up for the next election.