The shortest definition for democracy is "government of the people." But to what extent may we talk of this government of the people, if the people concerned are turning their backs on the political process and showing less and less interest in elections? To what extent may we talk about democratic politics, if the voters see their elected representatives not as their interest bearers and servants, but crooks and swindlers?
Increasing disenchantment with politics is a trend of our times that is causing concern not only in many so-called developed democracies in North America and Europe. Also in Asia we can observe an increasing number of citizens turning away from all things political, be they political discussions, political meetings, political parties or, finally, participation in elections. The rising apathy is especially worrisome in the case of the young generation.
"Strengthening the role of the Young Generation in Politics and Society" was the title of the Young Leaders Workshop at the Forum of Democratic Leaders in the Asia-Pacific (FDL-AP), which convened for the fifth time in Seoul and Kwangju last week.
The Friedrich-Naumann Foundation takes pride in having actively participated in this important international event since its inception in 1996. As in former years, young leaders from some 20 countries representing liberal and democratic political parties, as well as non-governmental organizations (NGOs), came together in South Korea for four days to discuss common problems and strategies for solving them.
What are the special interests of young people, what are the obstacles to their realization and how can these obstacles be overcome? These questions were at the heart of the event. Despite the widely diverse national origins of the participants, there was soon a consensus on one fundamental point: "All governments lack a commitment to young people," as the delegate from Australia put it.
Today's far-reaching political marginalization of the young generation stands in sharp contrast to the prominent role played by the youth in the process of democratization in many Asian countries. To put it differently: is it possible to imagine the peaceful democratic revolution in the Philippines without the massive commitment of the young generation? Where would South Korea stand today, had it not been for the devotion of the young activists, some of whom paid with their lives for their political ideals? And Indonesia: Would the dictatorial regime have ceded to a more democratic order without the mass-demonstrations of students and other youngsters on the streets?
Ironic situation
It is surely a great irony that the youth, who in many cases have stood at the forefront of the struggle for democracy in Asia, ended up gaining very little in return, after the passing of the old order. Others, usually older politicians, were present at the right moment and divided the spoils. In most cases the young activists were rewarded with minor, often symbolic positions with little political power. The young generation remains clearly under-represented in the political systems of the region.
A drastic case is South Korea: according to figures presented at the workshop, young voters in their twenties and thirties make up half of all voters in South Korea. But from the 273 Assemblymen and Owomen only 13 are under the age of 40.
What are the reasons for this weak representation of the young? Political parties hold the key to political access in most countries, and they do not make life easy for youngsters interested in entering the political arena. In contrast to Western Europe most political parties in Asia do not have political youth wings.
In some European countries political youth organizations are so strong that they not only guarantee a considerable number of slots for young candidates on the party ticket at election time, they also participate in the decision-making process of the mother-party, giving the young a voice in the policy formulation process.
By contrast, in most Asian countries there exists a clear barrier to the entry of young people into political parties. According to a speaker from Japan, politically interested young people in this part of the world are forced to experience the depradations of so-called gatekeepers. Upon entry into the world of adult politics they have to make considerable compromises, and sometimes are even forced to "sell their political souls," as one participant from South Korea put it.
Listening to the young delegates' discussions, I was reminded of the Korean parliamentary elections in April of this year. In the run-up to these elections there was much talk among the political parties, of how important it is to infuse "fresh blood." At that time, the term "386-generation" was widely in vogue, a catch-phrase referring to political activists, now in their thirties, who had gone to college in the eighties, and were born in the sixties.
It is really striking to see in how short a time these young politicians, some of whom actually managed to get elected, have lost the sympathies and the trust of great sections of the public, including the younger generation.
Falling from grace
With much schadenfreude, media have been pouncing upon the moral transgressions of a group of young parliamentarians, who dared to do what is, after all, typical of Korean male politicians: drinking large quantities of expensive alcohol in a night club in the company of members of the world's oldest profession.
Inexperienced as they were, the young parliamentarians had chosen the eve of the anniversary of the Kwangju massacre for their high jinks, thus supposedly dishonoring the historic event. Even worse, they failed to take precautions against this all-too-common type of escapade's becoming public.
Quite apart from this episode, many young Koreans are dismayed about the lack of political initiatives coming from the 386ers. One participant at the workshop said she felt a sense of political betrayal. In this context, I heard for the first time about the "297-generation," a term referring to young people who are more or less a decade younger than the 386ers: twenty years of age, in college in the nineties and born in the seventies. This generation has its shortcomings, too, it was said. Shortcomings that, as far as a more active engagement in public affairs is concerned, may have an even greater impact than the behavioral transgressions of the 30-somethings.
According to a paper presented at the workshop by a Korean student in her twenties, many youngsters of her age are materialistic and selfish: "Most Korean youths want to enjoy their rights while neglecting their responsibilities. They seem to stick to the micro level such as their personal life, without any concerns about the macro level of society."
In the end there was general agreement that modern and practical education is the key to enhancing the role of the young in politics and society. Education should include practical and political teachings that inspire the young to participate in public affairs.
But whether the young will actually join the political contest or not essentially depends on the willingness of the old to share some of their power with them. Sharing power is a troubling proposition for the mighty everywhere. It is even more troubling in this part of the world, governed by Confucian mores and a notion of seniority in which age is often considered more important than performance and qualification.
Confronted with this all but motivating state of affairs, many young Asians simply turn their backs on politics. Others - and the participants of the FDL-AP Young Leaders Workshop belong to this group - are willing to take up
the fight against this form of political discrimination, to join forces at home and abroad in an effort for more and better representation, in an effort for more and better democracy.
Ronald Meinardus is the resident representative in South Korea of the Friedrich-Naumann Foundation.
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