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    Editorial: The real issue is political reform



    Sunday, Mar 12, 2000, Page 8

    Elections should be like horse races, but Taiwan's presidential election is shaping up to be more like a dogfight. The candidates are searching for their opponents' Achilles' heel in a contest between a double-headed KMT -- James Soong (宋楚瑜) and Lien Chan (連戰) -- vs the DPP's Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁).

    Because cross-strait relations is the chink in the DPP's armor, it has become the main election issue. This is a shame. Of the three issues that most influence voters' behavior in Taiwan, political reform, economic development and cross-strait relations, voters are most concerned about the issue that most directly influences their lives -- political reform. There are no great differences among the three major candidates' economic policies. And there is even general agreement on cross-strait policy, which is traditionally fraught with irrational elements and emotion, linked as it is with ethnicity and Taiwan's sovereignty.

    Actually the blame for the stalemate between Taiwan and Beijing rests squarely on China's doorstep and there is little that any Taiwan leader can do to make things better. International pressure is more of a factor in the relationship between China and Taiwan than domestic politics. Regardless of the results of the impending elections, Taiwan's leaders will be seriously constrained by domestic pressure and US influence.

    US President Bill Clinton issued a strong statement in response to China's white paper on Taiwan, and dispatched a special envoy to China to warn Beijing not to intervene in Taiwan's elections. The white paper ostensibly slammed Taiwanese independence and President Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), but was a veiled shot at the DPP's Chen. The US is itself increasingly concerned about the race as Chen's chances of winning have improved.

    In order to increase his credibility on national security issues, Chen has revamped his cross-strait policy. He stated he will not push to include the "two-states" formula in the constitution, and will not undertake a referendum on Taiwan's sovereignty unless China forces Taiwan to reunify. This is to counter the KMT's hysterical portrayal of a Chen victory as leading to war. How effective Chen's reassurances will be depends on the collective maturity of Taiwan's electorate.

    Economic development is inexorably linked to political reforms. Taiwan's "black gold" politics has thrust a wrench into Taiwan's well-oiled economic and financial machinery, creating monopolies for the powerful and stifling free competition. There is no more pressing economic issue in Taiwan today.

    At the root of "black gold" politics in Taiwan are the local factions, but the tree of corruption really bears fruit in the Legislative Yuan. Many of the most notoriously corrupt politicians in Taiwan also occupy key positions on transportation, financial and economic committees in the legislative body. With these positions, they are able to hold KMT policy hostage in support of their special interests. They, of course, support the KMT in the upcoming election. If the KMT wins the presidency, we can expect not reform but even more of the same "black gold" we have become so bitterly accustomed to.

    Ironically, James Soong, who kicked off his campaign with vague promises of "reform," first received his political training in Taiwan's cathedral of corruption: the Provincial Assembly. Former provincial assemblymen are unsuprisingly Soong's biggest supporters. Soong's closet is as bulging with political skeletons as the KMT's.

    Prospects for political reforms are much better with Chen Shui-bian, not because the DPP is naturally less corrupt than other parties, but because they have had a shorter time in which to be corrupted by power. This is Chen's greatest asset.

    National security is a serious issue, but political reform is the real issue in this election. As long as the electorate understands which issue has priority, their choice for Taiwan's next president should be clear.


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