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Editorial: Post-summit, the score is even

As of Friday, the summit between US President George W. Bush and Chinese President Jiang Zemin (江澤民) in Bush's Texas ranch had ended. The two leaders apparently had a good time together, as President Bush treated Jiang and his wife to a barbecue feast and took them on a tour of his ranch in his pick-up truck. But all the friendly behavior cannot hide one thing, namely that, with perhaps the exception of the North Korea issue, the two leaders respectively reiterated their views on all other significant issues without breaking new ground.

The pro-unification media in Taiwan was quick to run headlines such as "Bush indicates opposition to Taiwan independence." However, what Bush said was that "[We] do not support independence." The difference between the two are, of course, less than subtle.

With respect to the Taiwan issue, it is probably safe to conclude that President Bush did not go too far beyond the past framework of the US, although the manner and the specific wording through which Bush chose to express his views do give some food for thought.

This probably marked the first time that a US president indicated in front of a Chinese leader the position that the US "does not support Taiwan independence." None of Bush's predecessors, ranging from Bill Clinton to Ronald Reagan, have done so, according to what has been revealed to the media and in public. Nor has Bush ever make any such concession publicly in past meetings with Jiang. But, this would seem like a relatively small price to pay if the following observations about Bush's statements ring any truth.

While the "one China" principle and the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) have always been the cornerstones of US policy on the Taiwan issue, President Bush not only gives greater weight to the TRA, but he is also linking it more closely with the "one China" principle it appears. This is evident by the fact that Bush has been the only US president thus far to openly talk about the TRA not only in China during his previous trip there but in the presence of any Chinese leader. The term TRA is now consistently creeping up in any talk Bush has to make about "one China" principle. For example, this time in Texas he said that he "emphasized [to Jiang] ... that [the US'] one China policy, [being] based on the three communiques and the Taiwan Relations Act remains unchanged."

If the TRA and the "one China" principle are now becoming Siamese twins or perhaps if the latter is becoming premised on the TRA, one can hardly argue it is unfavorable to Taiwan. After all, this would mean that the US will not forsake its promises to Taiwan under the TRA over the "one China" principle.

It is also worth noting that this time Bush also said that the "`one China' policy means that the issue ought to be resolved peacefully." Everyone knows that there is much more to the "one China" principle than the "peaceful resolution" element selectively and deliberately highlighted by Bush. Bush had essentially indicated and confirmed that the US is giving "peaceful resolution" top priority over all other elements of the principle less favorable to Taiwan. That can hardly be interpreted as a bad thing.

In a nutshell, when it comes to the Taiwan issue, both Taiwan and China have gained some and lost some. This evens out the score in the grand scheme of things. In view of the fact that the US had much lobbying to do with Jiang, on issues ranging from North Korea to Iraq, to the global counter-terrorism campaign, the US' refusal to budge on the Taiwan issue suggests a lot of goodwill toward Taiwan on its part.
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