Editorial: Blind to the reality gap

Some Taiwanese, and some political parties, seem to have simply lost touch with reality. Their misunderstanding of Taiwan's society is the biggest obstacle to the country's political unity and economic development. Nowhere is this more evident than with the KMT. The party seeks solace from the images of former presidents Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) and Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) every time it is faced with frustration, like an alcoholic turning to a bottle of cheap whiskey. What's even more ridiculous is that the party expects sympathy from Taiwanese who were terrorized by Chiang senior's troops in the 228 Incident, Chiang junior's secret police during the White Terror era and endured decades of martial law.

The KMT used to describe itself as the legitimate ruler of the "one China" and deluded itself with daydreams that one day the Chinese Communist Party would invite it back to Beijing to resume its rule. Therefore it strongly anticipates a second round of "KMT-Communist cooperation." If we carefully listen to the words of those "party elders," who claim to be members of an orthodox KMT, we can see they are stuck in a time warp, totally ignorant of the desire of the people of Taiwan to live in a modern, democratic society.

The children and subordinates of these "old thieves" -- fully brainwashed by their elders -- took over the offices of power in the 1980s, from which the older generation had been forced to resign. The "four great princes" (四大公子) that emerged in the 1980s -- Chen Li-an (陳履安), Lien Chan (連戰), Frederick Chien (錢復) and Shen Chun-shan (沈君山) -- were the best examples of that handover. They may have only been princes in their dreams, but like true royalty, they have proven to be out of touch with modern life. They are far removed from the lives and concerns of ordinary Taiwanese and as a result fail to understand the deep pain and repulsion felt by many Taiwanese toward the KMT's alien regime.

When Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) became the president and KMT chairman in January 1988, he had to push for localization with all his might in order to prolong the KMT's shelf life and ease the public's resentment of the party's authoritarian regime. He faced strong resistance from the old guard and their descendents. At that time, Huang Chu-wen (黃主文), now chairman of the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU), was at the vanguard of the KMT's pro-localization forces fighting against the conservatives.

Lee's accomplishments in localization are clear for all to see -- the de-politicization of the armed forces, free competition between political parties and a model of cross-strait relations based on "Taiwan first." Even though Lee was unable to eliminate "black gold" politics, most Taiwanese still recognize the contribution he made to the nation in that period. As an agricultural economist, Lee was able to forge bonds with many farmers in central and southern Taiwan. That was why he was called "Uncle Hui" by the crowds when he recently stumped for the TSU in southern Taiwan.

Lee's contribution to Taiwanese democracy has set a new example for Asia. People in central and southern Taiwan also respect him. A handful of pro-unification media and opposition politicians, however loath him and will do all they can to damage him -- hence the effort to kick him out of the KMT and discredit his policies. Their efforts have resulted in a huge north-south gap in public opinion surveys. The difference is especially distinct in Taipei City and Taipei County, which raises an interesting situation in which public opinion in the nation's capital is directly at loggerheads with everywhere else.

Can the political whirlwind brought by Lee really be ended by a coalition of KMT die-hards and other opposition politicians? The TSU's performance in the year-end election will give a clear answer to that question.